“A generation is taking a beating”
Haiti is trapped in a political crisis. Protests demanding the resignation of the Haitian president amid corruption claims alongside kidnappings and violent gang warfare have been ongoing for months. Last week, the situation came to the head following the murder of multiple police officers when a raid went wrong. An anti-gang mission in Port-au-Prince’s Village of God slum left an unconfirmed number of officers dead and at least eight wounded.
The situation rapidly deteriorated at the beginning of 2021 when President Moise made clear he would not leave the presidency as expected, with government officials alleging a failed coup took place.
Haiti has been rocked by an epidemic of gang violence and kidnapping for months, with up to a thousand people kidnapped for ransom, and the judicial system is overwhelmed. Meanwhile police are upping their use of violence against civilians, and targeting journalists and protesters reacting to the news that President Jovenel Moise plans to remain in power.
Opposition leaders are disputing the mandate of President Jovenel Moise, whose term most legal experts and civil society groups have said ended on February 7. But the president and his supporters say his five-year term only expires in 2022.
Meanwhile a UN official said Haiti’s humanitarian needs “remain at a disturbingly high level," with almost half of the population in need of assistance. Opposition leaders are disputing the mandate of President Jovenel Moise, whose term most legal experts and civil society groups have said ended on February 7. But the president and his supporters say his five-year term only expires in 2022.
Where did it all start?
Moise won the first round of elections that took place in October of 2015, but the vote was marred by widespread voter fraud and a presidential runoff was pushed back several times. A second round of vote was held again in November 2016 and Moise won with 55.6 percent support. He officially took office on February 7, 2017.
According to article 134-1 of the Haitian Constitution, “The duration of the presidential mandate is five years. This period begins and ends on February 7 following the date of elections”. But Article 134-2 stipulates that “in case the vote cannot take place before February 7, the elected president takes office immediately after the vote is confirmed and his mandate is expected to begin on February 7 in the year of the election”.
The dispute is over whether Moise’s five-year term began in 2016 – after the initial elections he won – or in 2017, as the president and his supporters have been claiming.
Paralyzing democracy?
Since taking office in 2017, Moise has systematically dismantled key democratic institutions, including those charged with keeping him accountable, apparently with the goal of extending his authority and undermining the rule of law. For example, Moise drastically weakened the Anti-Corruption Unit (ULCC) and the Central Financial Intelligence Unit (UCREF), which were leading investigations into corruption and money laundering, illicit drug trafficking and other serious offences, including cases that implicated Moise, among others. Moise even weakened the Superior Court of Auditors and Administrative Disputes (CSCCA), which is responsible for reviewing all expenditures and financial commitments made by the Haitian government.
In addition to undermining existing institutions, Moise also created a national intelligence agency accountable only to him and expanded the definition of terrorism in ways that impinge on legitimate protests against his regime. Since January 2020, when parliament’s term expired, and in the absence of Moise organizing new elections, he has been ruling by decree, consolidating his power further.
When pro-democracy activists challenged Moise’s refusal to step down from the presidency last month, he arrested them and charged them with planning a coup. At the same time, he forced “retirement” on three Supreme Court justices and replaced them with his supporters in order to “protect” the court’s “independence.” Most worrisome of all, he is planning a constitutional referendum in June, during which he is expected to further consolidate and expand the powers of the executive, including potential changes to presidential term limits.
Present scenario:
Amidst this democratic crisis, the Haitian people also find themselves in a staggering humanitarian crisis. Schools and institutions have closed not just due to COVID-19, but also to safeguard students and teachers from rampant violent crimes and kidnappings that are victimizing the country’s most vulnerable populations. The lack of response by law enforcement and the government is also causing serious civil unrest. Thousands of citizens have taken to the streets to protest the inaction by the government in keeping its citizens safe and prosecuting those responsible for daily atrocities.
The United Nations Economic and Social Council pleaded for humanitarian aid citing that “six million people already live below the poverty line in Haiti and 40 percent of the population is food insecure.” Schools’ closures have also led to more than 300,000 children missing daily meals, “putting them at risk of stunted growth.”
With Haiti ranking 104 out of 107 in the 2020 Global Hunger Index these events and numbers are alarming. The rampant corruption that has taken funds away from the hunger relief efforts only make the situation worse.
Assassinations and kidnappings of high schoolers and teachers, rampant fear, and the criminalization of protests not only demands calls for political change from international community, but also beckons humanitarian movements from civil society and media organizations, so why does the international community remain largely unaware of the Haitian people’s struggle?
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